Lost Civil Rights Create Human Slavery

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This psychosis is displayed in a Rf digital communication a common occurrence in my home; tonight I am bartering for a human right to have a sexual function that has been taken from me 50 times in the last year (I am no pedophile or enemy combatant and have no charges on me or pending) I am an extorted man living with digital chains; forced to comply under extreme stress and digital torture 10-12 times per day. My sexual function removed for the last 15 days; sexual deprivation unable to climax unless I comply. Mental illness is a sickness described in the poster below.

When you give up your civil rights you will live in fear for the rest of your life behind closed doors wondering when you will be free; liberty; Freedom of speech and democracy.

Obama got his start in civil rights practice
Highly sought-after Harvard Law grad chose do-good firm over money
Below:

Joe Wrinn / AP
Barack Obama, a student at Harvard University Law School in Cambridge, Mass., Feb. 6, 1990, came to Harvard in the fall of 1988 after graduating from Columbia University and spending four years as a community organizer in Chicago.

updated 2/20/2007 6:28:55 PM ET

CHICAGO — Attorney Judson Miner called Harvard to offer a job to a graduating student named Barack Obama and didn’t expect to be showered with gratitude. Still, he wasn’t expecting the reception he got.
“You can leave your name and take a number,” the woman who answered the phone at the Harvard Law Review said breezily. “You’re No. 647.”
That was 1991 and even then Obama — the Illinois senator now seeking the Democratic presidential nomination — was a hot commodity.
As the first black president of the Harvard Law Review, Obama had his pick of top law firms. He chose Miner’s Chicago civil rights firm, where he represented community organizers, discrimination victims and black voters trying to force a redrawing of city ward boundaries.
Like many lawyers, Obama never took part in a trial. He spent most of his nine-year career working as part of a team, drawing up contracts, briefs and other legal papers.
The firm of Miner Barnhill & Galland, many of whose members have Harvard and Yale law degrees, has a reputation that fits nicely into the resume of a future presidential candidate.
“It’s a real do-good firm,” says Fay Clayton, lead counsel for the National Organization for Women in a landmark lawsuit aimed at stopping abortion clinic violence. “Barack and that firm were a perfect fit. He wasn’t going to make as much money there as he would at a LaSalle Street firm or in New York, but money was never Barack’s first priority anyway.”
The firm offered another advantage to Obama. It was close to the political action.
Miner was Chicago’s corporation counsel under Harold Washington, the city’s first black mayor, in the 1980s when Washington was battling for control of the City Council against remnants of the once-mighty Machine.
Miner introduced Obama to a number of people in politics. Obama already knew many others, having worked as an organizer in the black community before he entered law school.
Early success for Obama
Obama was part of a team of attorneys who represented the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN) in a lawsuit against the state of Illinois in 1995 for failing to implement a federal law designed to make it easier for the poor and others to register as voters.
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A federal court ordered the state to implement the law.
Obama also wrote a major portion of an appeals brief on behalf of a whistleblower who exposed waste and corruption in a research project involving Cook County Hospital and the Hektoen Institute for Medical Research and alleged that she was fired in retaliation.
The case was settled out of court. The county agreed to pay the federal government $5 million, part of which went to the whistleblower, Dr. Janet Chandler. Hektoen agreed to pay $500,000 to the government plus $170,000 to Chandler for wrongful termination.
And Obama was part of a team of lawyers representing black voters and aldermen that forced Chicago to redraw ward boundaries that the City Council drew up after the 1990 census. They said the boundaries were discriminatory.
‘Don’t pay me’
After an appeals court ruled the map violated the federal Voting Rights Act, attorneys for both sides drew up a new set of ward boundaries.
Public records at the Illinois Attorney Registration and Disciplinary Commission — which handles ethical questions concerning the state’s lawyers — indicate there were no complaints against attorney Obama.
Obama’s legal work fell off sharply in 1997 after his election to the Illinois Senate.
“On his second day down in Springfield he called me and said, ‘Don’t pay me — this is a full-time job,’” Miner recalls.
Obama agreed to work for the firm in summer when the legislature was out of session. His law license became inactive in 2002 as politics took over.
‘I try to do my small part’
For all his passion for civil rights, Obama did have a bit of experience working in a large firm with big corporate clients. In 1988, he was a summer associate at the big Chicago firm now known as Sidley Austin.
Like most summer associates, he worked on research projects.
It was there that he met Michelle Robinson, a young Harvard law graduate assigned as his mentor at the firm. They were married four years later.
Neither Obama lingered in corporate law. She stayed with the firm for three years and moved on. She is now a vice president at the University of Chicago.
Besides his practice, Barack Obama taught constitutional law at the University of Chicago.
“He was very engaging, approachable and human,” recalls Patrick Jasperse, now a Justice Department trial attorney based in Washington.
Obama’s view of the law was shaped in part by his years before law school as a community organizer working with the poor in Chicago’s housing projects.
In his 1995 book, “Dreams From My Father,” he said the law could sometimes be “a sort of glorified accounting that serves to regulate the affairs of those who have power — and that all too often seeks to explain, to those who do not, the ultimate wisdom and justness of their condition.”
“I try to do my small part in reversing this tide,” he wrote.
© 2013 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
Black History Unsung Heroes: Claudette Colvin
As a teenager, she made history, but it took decades for her to become recognized for her courage and achievements.
SARA KETTLER
HISTORY & CULTURE
Love Conquers All: The Richard and Mildred Loving Story

HISTORY & CULTURE
Harriet Tubman: Her Service as a Union Spy

Claudette Colvin.
Can you name the first woman who wouldn’t give up her seat on a segregated bus in Montgomery, Alabama? The answer isn’t Rosa Parks. In fact, 15-year-old Claudette Colvin refused to stand up for a white passenger on March 2, 1955, nine months earlier than Parks.
Though Colvin acted first, it was Parks who became an icon of the Civil Rights Movement. Here’s a look at why everyone knows the name Rosa Parks but not Claudette Colvin—and how Colvin feels about what happened to her story.
Turned down as a test case
Colvin’s March 1955 arrest quickly drew the attention of leaders in the black community. The NAACP had been searching for a test case to argue against segregation, and Colvin’s attorney, Fred Gray, thought this might be it.
But after some consideration, the NAACP opted to wait for a different case. There were several reasons for this decision: Colvin’s conviction for violating segregation laws had been overturned on appeal (though a conviction for assault on a police officer stood). Colvin’s age was another issue—as Colvin told NPR in 2009, the NAACP and other groups “didn’t think teenagers would be reliable.” The 15 year old also became pregnant a few months after her arrest.

A young Claudette Colvin.
However, Colvin felt that her being working class and having darker skin also played a large part in the NAACP’s distancing itself. As she told The Guardian in 2000, “It would have been different if I hadn’t been pregnant, but if I had lived in a different place or been light-skinned, it would have made a difference, too. They would have come and seen my parents and found me someone to marry.”
Rosa Parks sparks a boycott
On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing a bus driver’s order to give up her seat, just as Colvin had been. But the direction the two cases took soon diverged: The Monday after Parks’s arrest, the black community began to boycott Montgomery buses.
Timing played a role in this boycott. Between Colvin’s arrest and that of Parks, talks among African-American leaders and city officials about altering segregation rules had gone nowhere. And there were additional differences: While Colvin was unwed and pregnant, Parks was “morally clean” (according to NAACP leader E.D. Nixon).

Rosa Parks sits near the front of a bus in Montgomery, Alabama in 1956, just one year after she was arrested for refusing to give up her seat on a bus in the city, leading to the Montgomery bus boycott. (Photo by Underwood Archives/Getty Images)
However, in the end Colvin—who’d been mentored by Parks after her March arrest— was happy that Parks became a catalyst for the boycott. In a 2013 interview with CBS News, she said, “I’m glad that they picked Mrs. Parks because I wanted that bus boycott to be 100 percent successful.”
The lawsuit against segregation
Most people view what took place in Montgomery in 1955-56 as straightforward: Rosa Parks’s arrest led to a 381-day bus boycott, which in turn resulted in desegregation. But the court case that officially ended segregation on Montgomery buses had nothing to do with Rosa Parks and everything to do with Claudette Colvin.
Colvin was one of four women who became a plaintiff in Browder v. Gayle, which challenged the city and state laws that segregated buses (since her arrest was more recent and in litigation, Parks stayed away from the lawsuit). Anyone who joined the suit could easily become a target, but Colvin wasn’t shaken and bravely testified in court. In June 1956 a panel of judges ruled two to one that such segregation violated the Constitution. The case then proceeded to the Supreme Court, which upheld the decision. On December 20, 1956, the court order to desegregate Montgomery buses was served.
Though she was delighted by the outcome, Colvin still felt abandoned by civil rights leaders. She described her situation to USA Today: “Rosa got the recognition. I didn’t even get any recognition. I was disappointed by that because maybe that would have opened a few doors. After the 381 days, I was not a part of things anymore. When I heard about stuff, it was like everybody else, on TV.”
Colvin leaves Montgomery behind
With her arrest, the bus boycott and a lawsuit behind her, Colvin had other matters to focus on: As a single mother (her son Raymond was born in March 1956; a second son, Randy, arrived in 1960), she needed to provide for her family.
Colvin moved north in 1958. And in order to make sure her past didn’t affect her ability to hold a job, she kept quiet about all she’d done in Montgomery. She also didn’t stay in touch with anyone from the Movement.
“I just dropped out of sight,” she told Newsweek in 2009. “The people in Montgomery, they didn’t try to find me. I didn’t look for them and they didn’t look for me.”
Given how she’d been treated, Colvin’s choices were understandable. However, her actions were in danger of being forgotten.
Recognition years later
As the years passed, Colvin knew what she wanted: “Let the people know Rosa Parks was the right person for the boycott. But also let them know that the attorneys took four other women to the Supreme Court to challenge the law that led to the end of segregation.”
Fortunately for Colvin—and for historical accuracy—this has started to happen. Colvin has given multiple interviews about her actions, and was also the subject of the biography Claudette Colvin: Twice Toward Justice (2009).
In 2013, Colvin was honored by the New Jersey Transit Authority for her part in the fight for civil rights. At the event she declared, “That was one of the first successful stories of how African Americans stood together united and got this law changed, so I’m so proud to be here to tell everyone my story. I can say—like James Brown—‘It feels good!’ to get recognition.”


Black History Unsung Heroes: Claudette Colvin
As a teenager, she made history, but it took decades for her to become recognized for her courage and achievements.
SARA KETTLER
HISTORY & CULTURE
Love Conquers All: The Richard and Mildred Loving Story

HISTORY & CULTURE
Harriet Tubman: Her Service as a Union Spy

Claudette Colvin.
Can you name the first woman who wouldn’t give up her seat on a segregated bus in Montgomery, Alabama? The answer isn’t Rosa Parks. In fact, 15-year-old Claudette Colvin refused to stand up for a white passenger on March 2, 1955, nine months earlier than Parks.
Though Colvin acted first, it was Parks who became an icon of the Civil Rights Movement. Here’s a look at why everyone knows the name Rosa Parks but not Claudette Colvin—and how Colvin feels about what happened to her story.
Turned down as a test case
Colvin’s March 1955 arrest quickly drew the attention of leaders in the black community. The NAACP had been searching for a test case to argue against segregation, and Colvin’s attorney, Fred Gray, thought this might be it.
But after some consideration, the NAACP opted to wait for a different case. There were several reasons for this decision: Colvin’s conviction for violating segregation laws had been overturned on appeal (though a conviction for assault on a police officer stood). Colvin’s age was another issue—as Colvin told NPR in 2009, the NAACP and other groups “didn’t think teenagers would be reliable.” The 15 year old also became pregnant a few months after her arrest.

A young Claudette Colvin.
However, Colvin felt that her being working class and having darker skin also played a large part in the NAACP’s distancing itself. As she told The Guardian in 2000, “It would have been different if I hadn’t been pregnant, but if I had lived in a different place or been light-skinned, it would have made a difference, too. They would have come and seen my parents and found me someone to marry.”
Rosa Parks sparks a boycott
On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing a bus driver’s order to give up her seat, just as Colvin had been. But the direction the two cases took soon diverged: The Monday after Parks’s arrest, the black community began to boycott Montgomery buses.
Timing played a role in this boycott. Between Colvin’s arrest and that of Parks, talks among African-American leaders and city officials about altering segregation rules had gone nowhere. And there were additional differences: While Colvin was unwed and pregnant, Parks was “morally clean” (according to NAACP leader E.D. Nixon).

Rosa Parks sits near the front of a bus in Montgomery, Alabama in 1956, just one year after she was arrested for refusing to give up her seat on a bus in the city, leading to the Montgomery bus boycott. (Photo by Underwood Archives/Getty Images)
However, in the end Colvin—who’d been mentored by Parks after her March arrest— was happy that Parks became a catalyst for the boycott. In a 2013 interview with CBS News, she said, “I’m glad that they picked Mrs. Parks because I wanted that bus boycott to be 100 percent successful.”
The lawsuit against segregation
Most people view what took place in Montgomery in 1955-56 as straightforward: Rosa Parks’s arrest led to a 381-day bus boycott, which in turn resulted in desegregation. But the court case that officially ended segregation on Montgomery buses had nothing to do with Rosa Parks and everything to do with Claudette Colvin.
Colvin was one of four women who became a plaintiff in Browder v. Gayle, which challenged the city and state laws that segregated buses (since her arrest was more recent and in litigation, Parks stayed away from the lawsuit). Anyone who joined the suit could easily become a target, but Colvin wasn’t shaken and bravely testified in court. In June 1956 a panel of judges ruled two to one that such segregation violated the Constitution. The case then proceeded to the Supreme Court, which upheld the decision. On December 20, 1956, the court order to desegregate Montgomery buses was served.
Though she was delighted by the outcome, Colvin still felt abandoned by civil rights leaders. She described her situation to USA Today: “Rosa got the recognition. I didn’t even get any recognition. I was disappointed by that because maybe that would have opened a few doors. After the 381 days, I was not a part of things anymore. When I heard about stuff, it was like everybody else, on TV.”
Colvin leaves Montgomery behind
With her arrest, the bus boycott and a lawsuit behind her, Colvin had other matters to focus on: As a single mother (her son Raymond was born in March 1956; a second son, Randy, arrived in 1960), she needed to provide for her family.
Colvin moved north in 1958. And in order to make sure her past didn’t affect her ability to hold a job, she kept quiet about all she’d done in Montgomery. She also didn’t stay in touch with anyone from the Movement.
“I just dropped out of sight,” she told Newsweek in 2009. “The people in Montgomery, they didn’t try to find me. I didn’t look for them and they didn’t look for me.”
Given how she’d been treated, Colvin’s choices were understandable. However, her actions were in danger of being forgotten.
Recognition years later
As the years passed, Colvin knew what she wanted: “Let the people know Rosa Parks was the right person for the boycott. But also let them know that the attorneys took four other women to the Supreme Court to challenge the law that led to the end of segregation.”
Fortunately for Colvin—and for historical accuracy—this has started to happen. Colvin has given multiple interviews about her actions, and was also the subject of the biography Claudette Colvin: Twice Toward Justice (2009).
In 2013, Colvin was honored by the New Jersey Transit Authority for her part in the fight for civil rights. At the event she declared, “That was one of the first successful stories of how African Americans stood together united and got this law changed, so I’m so proud to be here to tell everyone my story. I can say—like James Brown—‘It feels good!’ to get recognition.”


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